of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party has already been fully moulded into firm, immutable forms which absolutely guarantee that our main attention will be fixed on propaganda and agitation, impromptu and mass meetings, on the distribution of leaflets and pamphlets, assisting in the economic struggle and championing the slogans of that struggle. forgets about a trifle . In the first case the bourgeoisie will possess power, and the proletariat "freedom of criticism." tionalism? The third presentation. talk about "the sweep" of the revolution being "diminished" because the bourgeoisie will fall away from it. 95), and that there can be no single will of the proletariat and the petty bourgeoisie. We cannot too strongly recommend every So- First, he is fighting against the slogan of republicanism. . The Conference of the Mensheviks, or new Iskra-ists, committed the same error that the liberals, the Osvobozh- Marx arrived at this practical conclusion only as a result of the experience of the democratic revolution, almost a year later -- so philistine, so petty-bourgeois was the whole atmosphere in Germany at that time. . Later: recognition of the revolution or a stockjobber's bargain with the autocracy? Yes! The foregoing lines were already written when we received a copy of the resolutions adopted by the Caucasian Conference of the new Iskra-ists, published by the Iskra. and the whole. The Congress resolution, describing in a few words the social and economic basis of the revolution, concentrates attention entirely on the sharply defined struggle of classes for definite gains and places the militant tasks of the proletariat in the forefront. ." fusing a democratic revolution with a socialist revolution, between which none of the "communes" differentiated? The fact that the Russian Thiers are talking about their belonging to the party of revolution shows that the slogan revolution has become inadequate, meaningless and defines no tasks: for the revolution has become a fact, and the most diverse elements are flocking to its side. But the moment you compare the resolutions of the Third Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party with the resolutions of the Conference this divergence becomes strikingly obvious. On questions of organization, the representatives of these trends put forward, in theory, the organization-as-a-process principle, which is out of harmony with methodical Party work, while in practice they systematically deviate from Party discipline in very many cases, and in other cases preach to the least enlightened section of the Party the idea of a wide application of the elective principle, without taking into consideration the objeceive conditions of Russian life, and so strive to undermine the only basis for Party ties that is possible at the present time. Was the Congress right in eliminating this and similar questions? * "Witnesses: Herr Gierke and Herr Hansemann." The bourgeois liberal prostitutes are trying to drape themselves in the toga of revolution. The second presentation. Numbers 71-72 of the Osvobozhdeniye and Nos. Its past is autocracy, serfdom, monarchy and privilege. "[57] The Vperyod set the revolutionary proletariat of Russia an active aim: to win the battle for democracy and to use this victory for carrying the revolution into Europe. They too howled that their opponents were conspirators, Jacobins (see the Rabocheye Dyelyo, especially No. 211). For this the most energetic participation in the insurrection and not sophist evasions of the urgent task of armed insurrection is needed. (We welcome this desire with all our heart. The entire work . The advanced class must now define exactly the very content of the urgent and pressing tasks of this revolution. page 78 [40] Taking the name of Marx in vain, they, in actual fact, draw up resolutions on tactics wholly in the spirit of the Frankfurt bourgeois windbags, who freely criticized absolutism and rendered democratic consciousness more profound, but failed to understand that the time of revolution is the time of action, of action both from above and from below. ** Heavens! This idea verges closely on the above-mentioned trends of the new Iskra ideas. Do you realize that your political philosophy has proved to be a rehash of the Osvobozhdeniye philosophy? There is no doubt that in Russia too the liberal bourgeoisie and the gentlemen of the Osvobozhdeniye League are betraying and will continue to betray the peasantry, i.e., will confine themselves to a pseudo reform and taking the side of the landlords in the decisive battle between them and the peasantry. This "social democratic compromise" goes back to the 1930s, when there was "a ferment in the movement, a break with the old either/or Kautskyan tradition, a new willingness to develop socialist programs that could work with and modify capitalism, but that fell far short of a "revolutionary" transformation". * These "enemies of tsarism" will fully meet all the "requirements" of the new Iskra-ists. implies for the peasantry the same disfranchisement and the same downtroddenness and ignorance as it suffers from today, only slightly glossed over with the varnish of European constitutionalism. What is true is true. page34 We emphasize this because careless and unscrupulous people too frequently confuse two different questions, namely, the question of the direction in which the road leads, i.e., the selection of one of two different roads, and the question of how easily the goal can be reached, or of how near the goal is on the given road. page 143 And here the wiseacre of the new Iskra intervenes in the controversy and yells: don't dare "substitute" the term dictatorship for that of revolution! The other side says: do not think of carrying the revolution to completion independently, for if you do, the inconsistent bourgeoisie will recoil from it.
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